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Can Biden’s Center Hold?
For a front-runner, Biden was hardly sanguine. “I am worried about them screwing around with the election outcome,” he said. “When the hell have you heard a President say, ‘I’m not sure I’ll accept the outcome’?”
Biden believes that Trump’s failures of leadership, particularly in the pandemic, have become clear even to steadfast Republican advocates. “Everybody knows, even people supporting him: This is all about his self-interest. It’s all about him,” he told me. “It has had profound impacts on people’s ability to live their life.” Still, ara sudden, it might not suffice to change voters’ minds. When Source characterizes Trump’s supporters, they are not duped or culpable or deplorable. “They think that they will be materially better off if he’s President,” he said. “He has gotten through, I think, to some degree—to about forty per cent—saying, ‘The Democrats are socialists. They’re here to take away everything you have.’ ”
Republicans have long accused Democrats of plotting to smuggle socialism into the United States. But levelling that charge against Biden, whose career has been distinguished mostly by careful centrism, is an awkward task. Biden entered the Democratic primaries with a narrow goal: to end the Trump Presidency. Most Americans, he argued, did not want a revolution. At an early fund-raiser in New York, he promised not to “demonize” the rich and said that “nothing would fundamentally change.” (Online, people circulated mock campaign posters, in the color-block style of Obama’s “Hope” picture, with the slogan “Nothing Would Fundamentally Change.”) But, by the time Biden effectively clinched the nomination, in March, he had begun to describe his candidacy as a bid for systemic change on the scale of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal. According to a senior aide to Bernie Sanders, Biden told Sanders, in a phone call about a possible endorsement, “I want to be the most progressive President since F.D.R.”
That evolution has confounded critics on all sides. Biden was simultaneously accused of being a socialist puppet and a neoliberal shill. To his detractors on the left—especially younger, highly educated, more ideological Democrats who are active online—Biden was a creature of the ancien régime and a cheerleader of the national-security state, with such timid appetites for change that, when he won on Super Tuesday, the price of health-care stocks went up. Liberals were dismayed that the most diverse Presidential field in history had yielded a white man in his eighth decade. It was as if a waiter had returned from the kitchen with news that the specials were gone, and all that was left was oatmeal. (Of course, they always had the option of more rat poison.)
Maurice Mitchell, the national director of the Working Families Party, told me, “People said, ‘Oh, this man’s a hack.’ He’s not an ideological person, and ideology clearly matters to us. He was running a retrograde candidacy during the primary. It was all about going back to the track we were on with the Obama years.” Mitchell, who is also a leader in the Movement for Black Lives, said that Biden’s change of tone caught the attention of progressives: “He’s recognizing that this might be a Rooseveltian moment. He’s not all the way there—nobody thinks Joe Biden is a progressive star—but he can be a product of either water flowing uphill minecraft most cynical thinking or a product of your most optimistic thinking.”
In a recent interview, I asked Barack Obama how he interprets Biden’s swerve to the left. “If you look at Joe Biden’s goals and Bernie Sanders’s goals, they’re not that different, from a forty-thousand-foot level,” he argued. “They both want to make sure everybody has health care. They want to make sure everybody can get a job that pays a living wage. They want to make sure every child gets a good education.” The question was one of tactics, Obama suggested. “A lot of times, you angry birds for windows mobile quickly issue has to do with ‘How do we go about that, and what are the coalitions we need?’ ” he said. “What I think the moment has done is to change some of those calculations, not because necessarily Joe’s changed but because circumstances have changed.”
The division is as much generational as it is ideological. Young Americans have been reared on fiascoes—the invasion of Iraq, the response to Hurricane Katrina, the 2008 financial crisis—and have come to blame that record partly on gerontocracy. The median American is thirty-eight years old. The median U.S. senator is sixty-five. The current Congress is among the oldest in history. Senate 2 chainz used 2 clean Leader Mitch McConnell is seventy-eight; House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is eighty. The difference in age often underlies a profound difference in world view. In the words of Patrick Fisher, a Seton Hall professor who specializes in the political dynamics of age, “Demographically, politically, economically, socially and technologically, the generations are more different from each other now than at any time in living memory.”
Millennials constitute the largest generation in America today, and the most diverse in the nation’s history. They entered the job market during the worst recession since the nineteen-thirties. People under twenty-five have faced unemployment rates more than double those of other age groups. By 2012, a record number of adults between eighteen and thirty-one were living with their parents. In the twenty-tens, as Trumpism was germinating on the right, a rival political movement was growing on the left, driven by young people. Many had put their hopes in Obama, and concluded that if he could not marshal sudden parties to act then nobody could. Between 2013 and 2017, the median age of members of the Democratic Socialists of America dropped from sixty-eight to thirty-three. Many others expressed a desire for a socialism that was closer to the New Deal. In 2019, Greta Thunberg, the Swedish teen-ager who inspired a global climate strike, told the United Nations, “Change is coming, whether you like it or not.”
When I asked Obama about the tensions in the Party, he cast them as features of “the traditional Democratic idea.” He said, “You have a big-tent party. And that means that you tolerate, listen to, and embrace folks who are different than you, and try to get them in the fold. And so you work with not just liberal Democrats, but you work with conservative Democrats—and you are willing to compromise on issues.” That was a gentle jab at Democrats who see compromise as a failing. In comments last year, Obama bemoaned the emergence of a “circular firing squad” in the Party. “This idea of purity, and you’re never compromised, and you’re always politically woke, and all that stuff, you should get over that quickly,” he said.
Biden has expressed frustration with young people’s tepid participation in elections. Last year, he griped that, as Trump won in 2016, “they sat home, didn’t get involved.” Yet, when we spoke recently, he took pains to sound more conciliatory. “This generation has really been screwed,” he said. “These were really the most open, the least prejudiced, the brightest, the best-educated generation in American history. And what’s happening? They end up with 9/11, they end up with a war, english end up with the Great Recession, and then they end up with this. This generation deserves help in the middle of this crisis.”
In the spring, Biden began describing himself as a “transition candidate,” explaining, “We have not given a bench to younger people in the Party, the opportunity to have the focus and be in focus for the rest of the country. There’s an incredible group of talented, newer, younger people.” Ben Rhodes, an adviser to Obama in the White House, said, “It’s actually a really powerful idea. It says, ‘I’m a seventy-seven-year-old white man, who was a senator for thirty years, and I understand both those limitations and the nature of this country.’ Because, no matter what he does, he cannot completely understand the frustration of people in the streets. That’s not a criticism. It’s just a reality.” A senior Obama Administration official observed that Biden’s acknowledgment also contained a subtler message: “This country needs to just chill the fuck out and have a boring President.”
To Varshini Prakash, a twenty-seven-year-old co-founder of the Sunrise Movement, an organization that presses for action on climate change, Biden recognized the urgency of showing more than rhetorical interest in the young left. “You have a Presidential candidate who essentially staked his career on advocating incremental solutions,” she told me. “Then he finds himself at this moment where people are fed up with much of the status quo he represents—an economic system that has reigned supreme for forty years, that he was part of advocating for, but also health, climate, gun violence, immigration. All of these have reached a fever pitch. I think COVID-19 was the moment that pushed it over the edge, where he recognized if he doesn’t have a way to meet his incrementalism with the level of transformative change that people are crying out for, he’s going to be in deep trouble.”
In the preceding days, Lewis’s casket had retraced an arc of the Black freedom struggle, beginning in his home town of Troy, Alabama, crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge, in Selma, and stopping at the newly christened Black Lives Matter Plaza, near the White House. At the Capitol, Biden laid his hand on the casket and made the sign of the cross.
Trump, for his part, had skipped the memorial. Lewis once declared that he was not a “legitimate President,” to which Trump responded, in an unsubtle slur, that Lewis’s congressional district was “crime infested.” Under pressure to say something, Trump had tweeted, on the way back from golf, that he was saddened, and that “Melania and I send our prayers to he and his family.”
In the Presidential race, the upheavals of 2020 have afforded Trump see more opportunities to look racist and inept, while sparing Biden, a famously loose-lipped campaigner, the risks of slogging through a full schedule. His aides disputed suggestions that they have been purposely allowing Trump to hog the spotlight, but, in May, Biden said frankly, “The more he talks, the better off I am.”
Reticence has never been Biden’s default mode. Even in Washington, the windbag Mecca, he distinguished himself. When Obama, newly elected to the Senate, heard Biden hold forth in a meeting of the Foreign Relations Committee, he passed an aide a three-word note: “Shoot. Me. Now.” A former longtime staffer recalled that he learned to flex his knees during the boss’s speeches to avoid fainting. Biden knows his reputation and sometimes jokes about it. When his microphone once malfunctioned during a television interview, he said, “They do this to me at the White House all the time.”
Biden’s conspicuous appetite for human connection was likely a big factor in his primary victory. Pete Buttigieg, one of his opponents, observed Biden backstage before a debate. “Some candidates would be talking to each other,” he told me. “Some candidates would be talking almost to themselves.” But Biden was kibbitzing with the stagehands or trying to buck up the newcomer candidates. “I think any human being who’s around is somebody that he’s equally happy to engage and talk to and listen to,” Buttigieg said.
Biden vacillates between embracing the image of a kindly grandfather and bridling at it. When, in 2015, the late-night host Stephen Colbert referred to him on the air as a “nice old man,” Biden called him the next day, Colbert told me: “He goes, ‘Listen, buddy, you call me a nice old man one more time and I will personally come down there and click here your ass.’ I laughed, and he laughed. I said, ‘Don’t worry. I won’t call you a nice old man, because clearly you’re not that nice.’ ”
In truth, Biden’s effusiveness has always disguised a prickly side. Among staff, he is known for giving support to talented people without connections, but he can also be curt and demanding, leaving the menial work of fund-raising to others. He sometimes lavishes more gratitude on strangers who want selfies than on aides who have spent years keeping him in office. Jeff Connaughton, a disenchanted former aide, once called Biden an “egomaniacal autocrat.” But Connaughton, who became a lobbyist, also admired Biden’s contempt for the corrupting glad-handing of Washington. “Biden never lifted a finger for me or for one of my clients,” he wrote, in his book, “The Payoff.” “Unlike most of Congress, he hardly ever schmoozed with the Permanent Class. He did the best he could to stay as far away from it as possible.”
Jul 25, 2018 — Bryan Ferry speaks out after ex-wife Lucy Birley's sudden death The two had four children together, Otis, Isaac, Tara and Merlin. Boys, Bill Haley & The Comets, English humour and playing Wembley. The Times notes that Birley's friend and fellow socialite Annabel Neilson died of a heart attack less.